By Julie Shayne
They Used to name Us Witches is an informative, hugely readable account of the position performed by means of Chilean girls exiles throughout the dictatorship of basic Augusto Pinochet from 1973-1990. Sociologist Julie Shayne appears to be like on the move geared up by way of exiled Chileans in Vancouver, British Columbia, to denounce Pinochet's dictatorship and help those that remained in Chile. by using vast interviews, the heritage is instructed from the point of view of Chilean girls within the exile neighborhood confirmed in Vancouver. Shayne tells the very human tale of those exiled Chilean ladies, and in doing so, offers a glimpse into the fight of different Chilean exile groups around the globe. as well as the Chilean women's activism opposed to the Pinochet dictatorship, the publication will pay particular consciousness to their feminist activism. Shayne additionally indicates how either tradition and feelings encouraged and sustained the women's social and political pursuits. They Used to name Us Witches will be learn through these attracted to social routine, women's experiences, feminism, Latin American politics and historical past, and cultural studies.For additional info approximately this undertaking, touch Julie Shayne at firstname.lastname@example.org.
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Additional resources for They Used to Call Us Witches: Chilean Exiles, Culture, and Feminism
Workers also benefited from increases in social security and pension payments combined with salary adjustments designed to help them manage inflation. The middle 10 Chapter 1 class also benefited from the elimination of taxes on modest income and property. Combined, these changes spawned a purchasing spree, which led to a boom in industry and services and subsequently raised employment levels. -owned copper companies. -owned companies. By 1971 there was nearly a national consensus about the need for Chile to control its principal resource, a process that began under Allende’s predecessor, Eduardo Frei, who attempted to “Chileanize” the copper industry.
All of the detention camps dealt with the prisoners in similar fashion: victims were blindfolded once kidnapped from their homes or on the street by plainclothes DINA agents in unmarked, civilian vehicles. They were then brought to the camps and severely abused. According to Kornbluh, each detention center specialized in a particular form of torture. For example, at Londres No. 38, a facility in Santiago housed in the former Socialist Party headquarters, DINA agents rounded up the prisoner’s family and sexually abused them while the prisoner was forced to watch.
Shop owners closed their doors in support of the strike, making goods unavailable and thus fomenting anger toward the government and its economic policies, rather than the trucking companies and their supporters. The strike lasted a full month and crippled the system of distribution of all goods, including food. This led to hoarding and relentless lines where goods were available. The shortages touched all social classes and thus spread the dissent hitherto concentrated primarily in the elite and extreme right-wing sectors to the middle and working classes.